Introduction
During the 1950’s to the 1960’s the African Continent was gradually going through the process of de – colonization. This newly emerging independence era and the outbreak of the cold war, which saw the emergence of the United States and the Soviet Union as uncontested super powers of the 20th century brought an abundance of challenges and influences in Africa, particularly from the two powerful ideological blocs of the West and the Soviet Union. African states were thrown into the deep end after independence and forced to compete with their developed counterparts on the international economic level, regardless of the various factors that contributed to underdevelopment and poverty in Africa. Newly independent states in Africa “also had no voice in the international system, and this became detrimental to the realisation of their goals” (Van Niekerk: 2001: 287).
The African continent is the poorest and most underdeveloped region in the world, even though it possesses an abundance of material and human resources. Ojo defines underdevelopment as “inadequate social and economic structural changes to give the economy a balanced, integrated and self - sustaining growth in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). (Ojo: 1985: 53). African states are also involved in the struggle for economic survival and independence in order to preserve their political independence and sovereignty from external and internal forces. One of the main theories associated with underdevelopment in African international relations, is the dependency theory respectively. Each of the above mentioned theories are critical in explaining and understanding the economic and socio – political status of independent Africa during the de – colonization and cold war era.
There are also various ideological factors to take into account, such as Kwame Nkrumah’s Consciencism. This philosophical element of African socialism is critical in understanding the African perception or world view and the meaning of life in the post - colonial independence era especially with the rise of African Nationalism, Pan – Africanism and the principle of self – determination after the Second World War. The above mentioned factors are essential components to the concept of African socialism and from these factors we can understand why Africa is in its current state and why Africa occupies the position it does in the international system. African socialism is derived from a communal form of thought and is best explained in terms of the meaning of life in the African socio – political context.
Africa is the worlds largest supplier of hydro – electric power and according to Ojo “Africa produces approximately 55 percent of the worlds cobalt…47 percent of this mineral is found in Zaire (known today as the Democratic Republic of the Congo –DRC) while the further 8 percent is found in Zambia. About 15 to 20 percent of the worlds copper is produced in Zambia and Zaire and for percent of the worlds tin in Nigeria and Zaire and about the same proportion of the worlds iron ore is mined in Liberia and Mauritania. And of petroleum in Nigeria, Angola, Gabon and Zaire, excluding the North African production” (Ojo: 1985: 52). One must take into account a relevant case study in order to gain a more meaningful insight towards the political and economic upheaval that affect African states during the decolonization, independence and the current state of political and economic affairs. A classic example of this would be Ghana since independence in 1954.
The independence of Ghana is regarded by many scholars as one of the most important events in the political history of Africa. It was an example that freedom can be achieved throughout the whole of Africa. However, with her independence, Ghana had to endure a series of economic and political set backs before the first republic, which was headed by Kwame Nkrumah, was over thrown. Nkrumah seemed to be making rapid progress towards independence after winning the 1954 elections. However, due to the conduct of his government, he encountered unexpected resistance. Ghana appeared to be in danger of breaking up, as it was plagued by bitterness, violence and division even though it was a model colony during colonial rule when it was called the Gold Coast.
“Ghana has a population of 18.4 million people (2000 census). Like most African nations, Ghana’s population is predominantly Black, with enormous ethno-linguistic diversity. The major ethnic groups include Akan (44 per cent), Mole-Dagomba (16 per cent), Ewe (13 per cent), Ga (8 per cent), and others (0.2 per cent); each of these has several subgroups. The Akans are predominant in southern, south-western, and central Ghana; the Ewes and Gas are mostly in the south and southeast; and the Mole-Dagombas are mainly in the north” (Mensah, Koranteng & Yeboa: 2004: 4). The official language of Ghana is English; however, there are more than fifty different dialects and languages that are spoken. “Islam and Christianity are the main non-African religions in the north and the south, respectively. Like many African countries, Ghana’s basic culture, while undergoing some changes now, is still couched in traditional values such as communalism, extended family linkages, reverence for the elderly, patriarchy, and environmental sustainability” (Mensah, Koranteng & Yeboa: 2004: 4).
The rural areas in Ghana consist of the majority of the population; however there has been an increase in urban migration in recent years. “In 1948 the urban share of the nation’s population of 4.4 million was only 13 per cent. By 1960, the urban share of the national population of 6.7 million had reached 23 per cent; today more than a third of Ghanaians live in cities. The main cities include Accra, the national capital, Tema, Kumasi, Cape Coast, and Temale. Accra is a typical primate city with a population of about 1.2 million. It is home to nearly all national government ministries, all the regional administrative offices of the Accra Metropolitan Area, and almost all international organizations and embassies in Ghana” (Mensah, Korantenge & Yeboa: 2004: 4).
Since her independence in 1957, Ghana remains one of the few West African states that have not experienced a civil war or any violent clashes related to ethnic differences. “Not surprising, it has served, and continue to serve, as a regional safe haven for many West African refugees, escaping from conflicts in places such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Cote d’Ivoire” (Mensah, Korantenge & Yeboa: 2004: 4).
International influence on Ghana’s Ideology and African Nationalism
Nkrumah had dreams of leading the first independent West African nation into a Socialist future. Nkrumah also had ambitions of being president for life in that republic in a one party system governed by his CPP (Convention Peoples Party). African socialism is a communal form of thought and political governance. In African societies, to be human was regarded as belonging to the whole community, and to do so involved participating in the beliefs and rituals of that community. African socialism is characterized by the concept of “ubuntu”, which means people – hood, hence the phrase “umuntu umuntu ngabantu” – a person is a person with and through other people. According to kwame Nkrumah “A peoples parliamentary democracy with a one party system is able to express and satisfy the common aspirations of a nation as a whole, than a multi – party parliamentary system, which is in fact only a ruse for participating and covers up, the inherent struggle between the “haves” and the “have – nots” (Nkrumah: 1964: 101).
Nkrumah uses consciencim as a tool to defeat the negative impacts of colonialism in African societies. Consciencim can be seen as a solution towards the problem of Euro – centric and Islamic control and dominance of the African mind. Its aims were to eradicate the uneasy co – existence that conflicts with the African personality, bombarding him with “malignant schizophrenia”. Consciensm is largely based on thought and individual development and at the same time gives an egalitarian surrounding to the individual without losing the egalitarian base in each individuals surrounding. “Practice without thought is blind; thought without practice is empty. The three segments of African society, the traditional, western and the Islamic are often in conflict with one another… capitalism is in conflict with the socialist egalitarianism of the traditional African society” (Nkrumah: 1967: 79).
African politics and society have largely been influenced by the changes in the international system. When Fascist Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia ensured the crushing defeat of Emperor Haile Selassie , a proud symbol of African independence and black achievement had been had been violated. In his autobiography, Nkrumah relates to the disgust and outrage he felt when he learned about the invasion: “At that moment it was as if the whole of London had declared war on me personally. For the next five minutes I could do nothing but glare at each impassive face wondering if those people could possibly realise the wickedness of colonialism, and praying that the day might come when I could play my part in bringing about the downfall of such a system. My nationalism surged to the force; I was ready and willing to go through hell itself, if need be, in order to achieve my objective” (Nkrumah: 1957: 27).
The Second World War significantly influenced the international balance of power and the evolution of African politics and society. The Second World War caused the decline of Europe as the most powerful region in the world, which constituted the rise of the Soviet Union and the United States of America as the uncontested super – powers of the 20th century. “The centre of gravity for African nationalists’ intent upon seeking independence for their respective colonies gradually shifted towards Moscow and Washington” (Shraeder: 1999:131). The Soviet Union had never been a colonial power in Africa, and in many respects the Soviet Union also enjoyed ideological advantages over the U.S and the European powers during the Cold War.
African nationalists often aligned themselves with one of the two major ideological blocs. “Prior to the close of the Cold War, the adverse relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union meant that African states could generate support through client – based relationships. This engendered a certain sense of autonomy and manoeuvrability as both superpowers fought low intensity conflicts or sought support among these peripheral states” (Stephan: 2005: 331). Bidding wars were prompted between the United States and the Soviet Union as each sought to gain favour with particular nationalist movements. “President John F Kennedy noted that; “the perceived stakes of the Cold War contest were tied to whether the emerging leaders of Africa would look West or East – to Moscow or to Washington – for sympathy, help, and guidance in their effort to recapitulate, in a few decades, the entire history of modern Europe and America” (Shraeder: 1999: 132).
Self – Determination has always been a characteristic of African Nationalism. The post – Cold War era is nonetheless unique in that the demands for the self – determination of individual peoples rose intensively. Consciensm stands behind the social revolution, and standing firmly behind it is the intellectual revolution. The African way of thinking and world view is directed towards the redemption of the African society. Philosophical consciensism aims to give a solution by means of categoral conversion instead of Euro – centric parallelism.
Nkrumah claims that society is governed by ethical rules, many societies claim the same or similar ethical principles, however where the principles are effective they may differ in the rules. Nkrumah states that, “God found it necessary to regulate human relations by an ethical rule mentioning them specifically. Though shalt not covet thy neighbour’s ass. If god designed to give us a similar rule today, he would no doubt forbid us to covet thy neighbour’s motor car, hardly his ass. Here God would be giving a new ethical rule, designed at giving effect to an unchanging ethical principle, but taking full account of modern times” (Nkrumah: 1964: 94). The conquest of man is his progress and achieving that progress has a profound effect on the content of ethical rules.
The philosophy of consciencism is characterized by the concept or ideology of African socialism. “The cardinal ethical principle of philosophical consciencism is to treat each man as an end in himself and not merely as a means. This is fundamental to all socialist or humanist conceptions of man” (Nkrumah: 1964: 95). This view is corroborated by the characteristic of egalitarianism.
Dependency and the Road to Political and Economic Crisis
Ghana and many other African states have been placed at the bottom of the economic the global ladder. Due to the dependency theory it has become increasingly difficult for African states to realize economic prosperity. Many African states have been placed in backwardness because of imperialist tendencies and exploitations of dominant countries. As Van Niekerk noted; “Economic dependency is a term used to portray the relationship of inequality between the under developed countries and the advanced” (Van Niekerk: 2001: 287). Many third – world states do not have a place in the inter – country market, while their economies rely heavily on first world societies. African states are in a situation in which their economies are monopolised and conditioned by the development and expansion of first – world countries.
According to Van Niekerk “states in the developing world, found themselves thrown into the international state system expected to compete on an equal base with the industrialised states. These states also had no voice in the international system, and this became detrimental to the realisation of their goals” (Van Niekerk: 2001: 287). Due to domestic social and political issues, it was very difficult for developing states to sustain social and economic development. As Van Niekerk noted; “the more industrial states developed, the further the developing world lagged behind” (Van Niekerk: 2001: 287).
Many African states were exploited by their colonial masters, extracting natural resources without providing any sort of compensation for the state. “As colonial powers withdrew, the developing states found themselves in a difficult situation. Much of the expertise was lost as the colonial powers withdrew. With no considerable industries to sustain economic growth the developing world started to decline to the underdeveloped situation in which it finds itself today. Leaders of the developing world frequently still blame the developed world for their situation” (Van Niekerk: 2001: 287) In the Scramble for Africa in the 21st century, Harry Stephan states that; “whether one takes purely economic indicators as a basis for comparison, the continuation of political failure, civil unrest, famine, and the aids pandemic are surely signs of the increasing problems that face the continent” (Stephan: 2005: 329). These factors are the driving force behind the political and economic upheaval experienced by Africa due to dependency.
In the structural adjustment programmes in Ghana, Kwame Boafo - Arthur notes that, “Nkrumah's rejection of the institutions' pressures shook foreign confidence in the Ghanaian economy” (Boafo: 1992: 120). Sadly however this was very unfortunate because Ghana achieved a lot in developmental terms with limited resources under the Nkrumah government. When the coca price, which was the sole earner of foreign exchange in Ghana, was at a decline, Nkrumah needed support for development programmes in the country. “With the trim resources provided by cocoa he had raised the levels of medical and educational facilities; improved the road and rail network; constructed Tema harbor and the township together with related industrial facilities; and built the Akosombo dam”(Boafo - Arthur: 1999: 2).
These development projects coupled with his financial commitments in the struggle against colonialism naturally led to broad financial expenses. “A strict financial discipline as called for by the two institutions, Nkrumah and the CPP leadership might have thought would not only have affected the momentum of the economic development strategy but could have equally scuttled it. Moreover, accepting such conditions for financial assistance would have meant compromising his transformation of Ghana's economy. It would seem to appear, therefore, that Nkrumah's rejection of IMF package was influenced much more by political dictates than economic prudence” (Boafo – Arthur: 1999: 2).
Olantunde Ojo explains that “economic stagnation and desperate poverty deprive the governing classes of Africa of the chance of maintaining even a veneer of legitimacy…Only their vertical economic links with the bourgeoisie of the capitalist core sustain what little legitimacy they have” (Ojo: 1985: 59 – 60). This explains why foreign powers are so quick to give military and economic aid to African states. It can be regarded as a strategy to keep and maintain puppet regimes in power. If a governing class refuses to play, then there are economic sanctions which will be imposed. “Ojo states that the economic weapons at their disposal include declines in foreign investment…delays in the delivery of new parts or in other areas of trade; snags in licensing or other technology transfers…drying up or outright elimination of credit lines” (Ojo: 1985: 60).
Ghana faced some of the above mentioned sanctions. The result of these sanctions was a military coup de tat against Nkrumah’s regime in the last years of his rule between 1963 and 1965. “It was clear that Nkrumah was not the darling of the West and her financial institutions. He could not have been because of Nkrumah's anti-imperialist attacks and crusades, immense stature in Third World politics, and pragmatic and independent leanings at a time of intense cold war rivalry between the East and the West. In effect, though Nkrumah was dictatorial and should have won the admiration of the IMF and World Bank, his economic philosophy rooted as it was in centralized state planning was at odds with that of the financial institutions” (Boafo – Arthur: 1999: 2).
“Cocoa production in Ghana fell from an estimated 413,000 tons in 1970 to a mere 159,000 tons in 1983, while mineral production fell by 55 per cent between 1975 and 1983 (Anyinam: 2001: 199). Ghana also suffered from a sever brain – drain as a large number of skilled professionals, left the country in pursuit of a better life somewhere else, especially in Nigeria, Code d’Ivoire, and other foreign states such as Canada, Germany, Holland, United States, and Britain. “To aggravate the situation, Ghana’s worst drought of the 20th Century occurred in 1978/79 and again in 1982/83, resulting in high incidence of bush fire, which, in turn, undermined agriculture and food production across the country. Both drought episodes were so intense that the generation capacity of Ghana’s main hydro-electric dam at Akosombo was reduced, resulting in power rations to both industries and residences” (Mensah, Koranteng & Yeboa: 2004: 11).
As if things couldn’t get any worse, “more than one million Ghanaians were repatriated from Nigeria in 1983, putting more pressure on the already fragile national economy” (Mensah, Koranteng & Yeboa: 2004: 11). There are a number of factors that are associated with Ghana. “Exogenous factors, notably the global economic upheaval sparked by the OPEC crises of the 1970s, the repatriation of Ghanaians from Nigeria, and the perennial unfavourable terms of trade for Ghana’s primary export products such as cocoa, timber, and gold were equally responsible for the economic crisis” (Mensah, Koranteng & Yeboa: 2004: 13). After all attempts had to obtain assistance from the states of the Communist bloc, such as Cuba and the former Soviet Union. Rawlings and his socialist revolutionaries were forced to turn to the West for economic aid and poverty alleviation.
Economic and Political Reform in Ghana
“In 1983, Dr Kwesi Botchwey, the then secretary of finance, announced the initiation of the nation’s Structural Adjustment Programmes, locally dubbed Economic Recovery Programme (ERP), designed to last until 1987. In 1987 and again in 1991, ERP2 and EPR3 were announced as part of the national budget” (Mensah, Koranteng & Yeboa: 2004: 5). These timelines were adopted by a number of political analysts who were intent on examining the nation’s reform during the 90’s. These timelines help in explaining the various phases of reform undertaken by Ghana. According to Mensah, Koranteng and Yeboa, “the reform process has continued beyond the mid-1990s, these timelines (i.e., periods coterminous with EPR1, EPR2, and EPR3) necessarily require some alteration, or, at least, extension—if nothing at all, to capture more recent reform policies” (Mensah, Koranteng & Yeboa: 2004: 5).
Ghana’s Structural Adjustment Programme is divided into four Phases. According to Mensah, Koranteng and Yeboa; “the first three phases, which spanned 1983-1986, 1986-1991, and 1992-1996, focused on ‘economic stabilization’, ‘structural changes’, and ‘structural and institutional reforms,’ respectively. And their fourth phase from 1997- 2002 sought to reduce inflation, support a realistic exchange rate, complete the privatization of state enterprises, and promote the efficient allocation of resources for growth; the fourth phase from1997 – 2002 also sought to accelerate real GDP growth. Spanning from 1998 to 2000 was about securing a stable macroeconomic environment and to support economic growth” (Mensah, Koranteng & Yeboa: 2004: 5).
Conclusion
“Since the early 1980s, Ghana has solicited considerable amounts of policy- and non-policy-based loans from the Bretton Woods institutions and other bilateral sources for its structural adjustment. While many factors instigated the nation’s Structural Adjustment Programmes, it was found that by far the leading trigger was the economic crisis that prevailed at the time” (Mensah, Koranteng & Yeboa: 2004: 30). The frame work of Ghanaian politics is structured as a presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the president of Ghana is head of government and head of state at the same time. The government exercises executive power, while legislative power is vested in both parliament and government.
Ghana and the rest of Africa have been subject to economic hardship by imperialist actions from the former colonial powers. The dependency model of international politics is characterized by its intrinsic aspect, which is neo – colonialism. Ghana was among the richest countries in Africa at the time of independence and due to international pressure and resentment of the Nkrumah government, Ghana’s economy dwindled into the depths of crisis over the years.
“The indifference of the institutions to the political excesses of dictators who willingly implemented their sponsored adjustment policies in the 1980s, implied tacit support, either by omission or commission, to rapacious and ruthless dictators who were bent on attaining their political and economic agendas” (Boafo - Arthur: 1999: 14). The economy of Africa has been plundered by many dictatorial puppet regimes. Ghana has experienced a series of military coups which have had a catastrophic effect on her economic development. The inept nature of these dictators and the neo – colonialist attitude of the west leaves an open sore in heart of Africa. The regimes to follow after Nkrumah did little to help Ghana’s development and with the HIV / Aids pandemic, Africa still has a lot of challenges to face.
However as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development gains momentum, one can only hope that Africa has finally found her blueprint for recovery. If Africa’s Human Resources and potential are properly utilized, she could lead to the sustainable growth of the continent. Africa can never win against the powerful force of globalisation, but through constructive engagements and tactful alliances with one another, powerful regional entities can lead to a powerful unified Africa. The only war that Africa can win is the war against dependency. The world is controlled economically and militarily and Africa has the potential to be a global leader. The powerful force of imperialism that sat on a pedestal and watched the progressive de – humanization of Africa and the African, is slowly suffering dethronement.
References:
Anyinam, Charles. “The social cost of the IMF’s adjustment programs for
poverty: The case of health care in Ghana” International Journal of Health
Services, 1989
Boafo-Arthur, Kwame. (1999). Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPS) in Ghana: Interogating PNDC's Implementation. West Africa Review: 1, 1
Van Niekerk, D, Van der Waldt, G, and Jonker, A. Governance, Politics, and Policy in South Africa (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001).
Stephan, Harry, “The Scramble for Africa in the 21st Century,” Defence Journal, March 2005.
Shraeder, Peter J, African Politics and Society: A mosaic in transformation, Boston, Macmillan, 1999.
Kwame Nkrumah, Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for De – Colonization, New York and London: Modern Reader Paperbacks, 1964.
Olantunde, J, C, B, Ojo, African International Relations, London, New York, Lagos: Longman Inc, 1985
Joseph Mensah, Roger Oppong-Koranteng, and Kwame Frempah-Yeboah,
Understanding Reform: The Case of Ghana, 2004
IMF, 2003. Ghana-Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility: Economic and
Financial Framework Paper, Washington DC: IMF, 1998 - 2000
Tsikata, Yvonne, M. 2001. “Ghana” In Shantayanan Devarajan, David R Dollar, and
Torgny Holmgren (eds.), Aid and Reform in Africa. (Washington D.C.: The
World Bank) p. 45-100.
Monday, January 3, 2011
Monday, October 18, 2010
Rural Boys Do us Proud - The Future of SA Soccer Right There
THEY didn’t have a sports field in their school, nor did they have the kit to play with. All of them come from poor family backgrounds and the school in the local community was declared by a no fee school by the government. Yet despite all the odds stacked against them; this dedicated team of young boys is now representing South Africa at the DANONE under 12 soccer World Cup in Pretoria.
The DANAONE Nations Cup was established 11 years ago. It was a vision from the current chief executive Franck Riboud; who believed in developing children through sports and creating values for children from across the different cultures. He thought a mini World Cup would be a sufficient platform for children to learn more about themselves and other cultural backgrounds. After its inception in 1999 the tournament grew and today 40 countries participate and the young players get the opportunity to meet soccer heroes such as Zinandine Zidane and Neil Tovey.
Sinenzuzo Primary is located in Hammersdale outside Durban in a remote village called Mlaba Village. The people of the village are friendly but the are is represents the social dynamics that one has been accustomed to in South Africa.
The road to qualifying for the Nations Cup is long and rigorous which requires a high degree of discipline and hard work. Makhotso Fako, the brand manager of DANONE South Africa says the boys had to compete with other schools in Durban and around KwaZulu-Natal. After winning their provincial tournaments the boys proceeded to compete with teams from other provinces where they won and are now representing the country.
Fako paid a visit to the school congratulate the young players and along with the DANONE Southern Africa team and former Bafana Bafana captain Neil Tovey, established a food garden for the school and the community. She says they decided to visit after they won and saw an opportunity to give back to give back to the disadvantaged community.
“We visited their homes and after we saw their living conditions we decided to go the extra mile and ensure that its more than just a soccer tournament but an initiative to improve the lives of talented children.”
Bafana Bafana legend and Northwood old boy, Neil Tovey attended the launch of the food garden as a DANONE Nations cup ambassador and role model. According to Tovey, the food garden is there to help the boys prepare for the tournament. He says they still have lots work to do in the build up to the games in Gauteng.
“We want to inspire them and assist as much as we can in tournament. We want to give them a sense of pride and the idea behind the food garden is that if we taught them how to do it themselves then they would have a sense of achievement.”
Tovey says the boys learned how to prepare a garden bed and learned about controlling the soil and how to irrigate it properly.
“The preparation of the garden is like preparing for football, they know how to nurture it and guard it which will assist them in maintaining it.”
The principle of the school, Phumelele Nxele couldn’t conceal her joy at the boys achievement.
“I feel very great, words cannot express how I feel; I’m very proud of them.”
Nxele further explains how the boys had no soccer ground to practice on and had to walk seven kilometers everyday to practice on another schools grounds.
“Our school is one of the poorest schools in the province. We have also be defined as a no fee paying school because of the conditions our community live under. Just take a look around you, at least with this achievement we can bring hope to parents and children.”
She says the behavior of the boys has changed and soccer has made them more confident and disciplined. She says the other children in the school look up to them.
Ayanda Mkhize, who coaches the boys believes they have the potential to go all the way in the tournament. He says the biggest challenge with coaching such a young team is that you always have to understand their issues. The only way to get them to play their best is if they enjoy every moment on the field.
“You always have to encourage them and laugh and play with them. They have to enjoy the hard work which is quite challenging especially when it comes to fitness training. I took them to the beach on a daily basis so they could run on the sand but after that there was an incentive where we would play games and swim at the sea. The trick is to always practice playing soccer and have as much fun as possible.”
He added that the biggest motivating factor was when they met French football legend Zinedine Zidane.
“He motivated them and they had an opportunity to ask him questions about how to manage pressure and how to handle being a star.”
Mkhize says he hopes to see the boys become professional soccer players one day and that the tournament will be platform towards a brighter future.
Eleven year old Sanele Mkhize is the center midfielder, star player and captain of the team and is grateful for the opportunity. The young player supports Orlando Pirates and he hopes to wear the black and white number 10 jersey one day.
“My favorite player is Andile Jali, I like the way the ball sticks to his feet like glue on the soccer pitch. I think we will do well in Johannesburg because we listen to each other and respect each other. We have team spirit and it doesn’t matter whether we win or lose. We just want to play,” said Mkhize.
These young boys have done us proud, they are a true example of how hard work, dedication and a bit of luck can make a difference in our lives. This school is in the outskirts of KZN in a poverty stricken community. They defeated the privileged and the so called best to be where they are today. They had no league to compete in, didn’t play in any prestigious club and none of them were invited for Natal or Durban district trials; but look at where they are today.
The opening game kicks of on the 23rd of September and the final will be held on the 3rd of October at the Orlando Stadium.
The DANAONE Nations Cup was established 11 years ago. It was a vision from the current chief executive Franck Riboud; who believed in developing children through sports and creating values for children from across the different cultures. He thought a mini World Cup would be a sufficient platform for children to learn more about themselves and other cultural backgrounds. After its inception in 1999 the tournament grew and today 40 countries participate and the young players get the opportunity to meet soccer heroes such as Zinandine Zidane and Neil Tovey.
Sinenzuzo Primary is located in Hammersdale outside Durban in a remote village called Mlaba Village. The people of the village are friendly but the are is represents the social dynamics that one has been accustomed to in South Africa.
The road to qualifying for the Nations Cup is long and rigorous which requires a high degree of discipline and hard work. Makhotso Fako, the brand manager of DANONE South Africa says the boys had to compete with other schools in Durban and around KwaZulu-Natal. After winning their provincial tournaments the boys proceeded to compete with teams from other provinces where they won and are now representing the country.
Fako paid a visit to the school congratulate the young players and along with the DANONE Southern Africa team and former Bafana Bafana captain Neil Tovey, established a food garden for the school and the community. She says they decided to visit after they won and saw an opportunity to give back to give back to the disadvantaged community.
“We visited their homes and after we saw their living conditions we decided to go the extra mile and ensure that its more than just a soccer tournament but an initiative to improve the lives of talented children.”
Bafana Bafana legend and Northwood old boy, Neil Tovey attended the launch of the food garden as a DANONE Nations cup ambassador and role model. According to Tovey, the food garden is there to help the boys prepare for the tournament. He says they still have lots work to do in the build up to the games in Gauteng.
“We want to inspire them and assist as much as we can in tournament. We want to give them a sense of pride and the idea behind the food garden is that if we taught them how to do it themselves then they would have a sense of achievement.”
Tovey says the boys learned how to prepare a garden bed and learned about controlling the soil and how to irrigate it properly.
“The preparation of the garden is like preparing for football, they know how to nurture it and guard it which will assist them in maintaining it.”
The principle of the school, Phumelele Nxele couldn’t conceal her joy at the boys achievement.
“I feel very great, words cannot express how I feel; I’m very proud of them.”
Nxele further explains how the boys had no soccer ground to practice on and had to walk seven kilometers everyday to practice on another schools grounds.
“Our school is one of the poorest schools in the province. We have also be defined as a no fee paying school because of the conditions our community live under. Just take a look around you, at least with this achievement we can bring hope to parents and children.”
She says the behavior of the boys has changed and soccer has made them more confident and disciplined. She says the other children in the school look up to them.
Ayanda Mkhize, who coaches the boys believes they have the potential to go all the way in the tournament. He says the biggest challenge with coaching such a young team is that you always have to understand their issues. The only way to get them to play their best is if they enjoy every moment on the field.
“You always have to encourage them and laugh and play with them. They have to enjoy the hard work which is quite challenging especially when it comes to fitness training. I took them to the beach on a daily basis so they could run on the sand but after that there was an incentive where we would play games and swim at the sea. The trick is to always practice playing soccer and have as much fun as possible.”
He added that the biggest motivating factor was when they met French football legend Zinedine Zidane.
“He motivated them and they had an opportunity to ask him questions about how to manage pressure and how to handle being a star.”
Mkhize says he hopes to see the boys become professional soccer players one day and that the tournament will be platform towards a brighter future.
Eleven year old Sanele Mkhize is the center midfielder, star player and captain of the team and is grateful for the opportunity. The young player supports Orlando Pirates and he hopes to wear the black and white number 10 jersey one day.
“My favorite player is Andile Jali, I like the way the ball sticks to his feet like glue on the soccer pitch. I think we will do well in Johannesburg because we listen to each other and respect each other. We have team spirit and it doesn’t matter whether we win or lose. We just want to play,” said Mkhize.
These young boys have done us proud, they are a true example of how hard work, dedication and a bit of luck can make a difference in our lives. This school is in the outskirts of KZN in a poverty stricken community. They defeated the privileged and the so called best to be where they are today. They had no league to compete in, didn’t play in any prestigious club and none of them were invited for Natal or Durban district trials; but look at where they are today.
The opening game kicks of on the 23rd of September and the final will be held on the 3rd of October at the Orlando Stadium.
Remember ladies; no one has the right to abuse you!
IMAGINE you are a five year old child watching your mother being bashed head first against the wall by your father. You want to help but you can’t, you feel helpless and you grow with that state of mind for another fifteen years. If you are a male, chances are you'll grow up thinking it's normal to beat women and if you are girl, chances are you'll think it is normal to endure abuse in a relationship.
Women's month is upon us, yet we still experience cases of domestic violence and women abuse in our homes. We hear stories of husbands and boyfriends killing their wives and children growing up in abusive households. A tragic incident preceding women's month occurred in Glenwood where a woman was allegedly strangled by her boyfriend shortly after she had ended her relationship with him. Her boyfriend was released on R1500 bail and is attending trial at the Durban magistrate court.
In another incident, a man killed his six month old baby, attacked his 13 year old and bludgeoned his wife with a hammer and strangled her before commiting suicide. People who know the man say he was depressed and unemployed. His wife and 13 year old survived the ordeal but six month old Naledi was not so lucky, she died at the scene.
Many children grow up in single parent households where women have to play both the role of mother and father; coupled with the pressure to provide for their families and ensure that their children get a good education. Many children are also raised in dysfunctional two parent households where mothers are subject to violence and other acts of emotional and physical trauma. Kimber Adams (not her real name), grew up in such an environment and she shares her experience:
“Growing up in abusive relationship can be very damaging emotionally and psychologically. It is a cross that I will always carry as woman, I can forgive my farther for what he did to my mother but I will never forget. Talking from my mothers experience I think it is a pattern which most women don't notice. I fell into the same trap with my ex-boyfriend who was exactly like my father, thank goodness I realised before it was too late and I left him. My mother stayed in an abusive relationship because of security reasons and I appreciate her for that but I still feel that she didn't have to.
We all encounter hardships in relationships but no one has the right to abuse you. Women need to realise this and know that there are places of safety where they can go and get the help they need. I believe that God never puts you in a situation you cannot handle, we just have to learn to trust ourselves and be strong,” she said.
Adams says she has now found another boyfriend who respects her as woman and as a person. She says although the trauma of her childhood experiences still haunt her she has dealt with the issue by being positive and trusting herself. There are many women like Amber in our society who have endured abuse and keeping silent doesn't solve the problem.
Women in most sections of our society are still subservient to men; in the workplace at home and even on the social scene and this subservience has seen an increase in trends relating to domestic violence. Makhosazane Nxumalo who heads the Commission for Gender equality in KwaZulu Natal says violence against women in South Africa has become so bad that it is no longer a matter of “if” a woman will get beaten or raped but a matter of “when”.
“Violence against women has spread into the younger fragments of society. The principles of ubuntu are decaying and it is mostly the younger generation who commit these acts. If people break into a house where there is women, the first thing that they'll do is rape or even murder before stealing.”
She says most cases involving domestic violence are created by financial and emotional dependence and the psychological need to have a man, which is driven by poor self esteem and societal oppression. She says women abuse is not limited to any class aspect in our society. “Women professionals and women in rural areas are subject to abuse, it affects all classes, and people hide it because they don't want to lose their homes.”
There are also issues of women reporting domestic violence and not being able to go back to their families, Nxulamo says this has resulted in a backlog of shelters and services that deal with women abuse. “The numbers of shelters are very limited and we need to establish more resources where people can go if they are abused.”
The effect of domestic violence on school children is also a cause for concern. Nxumalo believes that some children do not perform properly at school because of the abusive environment they subjected to at home. Bullying at school can be attributed to domestic violence because the child thinks that in order to gain respect; he has to do what his farther does to his mother at home and there are not enough services to deal with these issues in our schools. Children in abusive relationships need counseling and the biggest problem is that they don't know where to go and who to talk to.
She says the signs to spot a prospective abusive relationship are difficult because men approach women in a sweet way at the beginning. However, one can spot an abuser by their actions and personality.
“Control is usually the first sign, especially when a man wants to know where you all the time and tells you what to wear. Some men also want their partners to depend on them and arguments about these issues can escalate to violence.”
There are various organisations that women can go to if they are in an abusive relationship such as People Opposing Women Abuse (POWA), Commission for Gender Equality and the KZN Network on Violence Against Women. All these organisations offer support and advice on abusive relationships and domestic violence. Women must understand that they are not alone and help is available.
People Against Women Abuse (POWA): 083 765 1235
Commission for Gender equality (CGE): 031 305 2105
KwaZulu natal Network on Violence Against Women: (031) 261 3471
Women's month is upon us, yet we still experience cases of domestic violence and women abuse in our homes. We hear stories of husbands and boyfriends killing their wives and children growing up in abusive households. A tragic incident preceding women's month occurred in Glenwood where a woman was allegedly strangled by her boyfriend shortly after she had ended her relationship with him. Her boyfriend was released on R1500 bail and is attending trial at the Durban magistrate court.
In another incident, a man killed his six month old baby, attacked his 13 year old and bludgeoned his wife with a hammer and strangled her before commiting suicide. People who know the man say he was depressed and unemployed. His wife and 13 year old survived the ordeal but six month old Naledi was not so lucky, she died at the scene.
Many children grow up in single parent households where women have to play both the role of mother and father; coupled with the pressure to provide for their families and ensure that their children get a good education. Many children are also raised in dysfunctional two parent households where mothers are subject to violence and other acts of emotional and physical trauma. Kimber Adams (not her real name), grew up in such an environment and she shares her experience:
“Growing up in abusive relationship can be very damaging emotionally and psychologically. It is a cross that I will always carry as woman, I can forgive my farther for what he did to my mother but I will never forget. Talking from my mothers experience I think it is a pattern which most women don't notice. I fell into the same trap with my ex-boyfriend who was exactly like my father, thank goodness I realised before it was too late and I left him. My mother stayed in an abusive relationship because of security reasons and I appreciate her for that but I still feel that she didn't have to.
We all encounter hardships in relationships but no one has the right to abuse you. Women need to realise this and know that there are places of safety where they can go and get the help they need. I believe that God never puts you in a situation you cannot handle, we just have to learn to trust ourselves and be strong,” she said.
Adams says she has now found another boyfriend who respects her as woman and as a person. She says although the trauma of her childhood experiences still haunt her she has dealt with the issue by being positive and trusting herself. There are many women like Amber in our society who have endured abuse and keeping silent doesn't solve the problem.
Women in most sections of our society are still subservient to men; in the workplace at home and even on the social scene and this subservience has seen an increase in trends relating to domestic violence. Makhosazane Nxumalo who heads the Commission for Gender equality in KwaZulu Natal says violence against women in South Africa has become so bad that it is no longer a matter of “if” a woman will get beaten or raped but a matter of “when”.
“Violence against women has spread into the younger fragments of society. The principles of ubuntu are decaying and it is mostly the younger generation who commit these acts. If people break into a house where there is women, the first thing that they'll do is rape or even murder before stealing.”
She says most cases involving domestic violence are created by financial and emotional dependence and the psychological need to have a man, which is driven by poor self esteem and societal oppression. She says women abuse is not limited to any class aspect in our society. “Women professionals and women in rural areas are subject to abuse, it affects all classes, and people hide it because they don't want to lose their homes.”
There are also issues of women reporting domestic violence and not being able to go back to their families, Nxulamo says this has resulted in a backlog of shelters and services that deal with women abuse. “The numbers of shelters are very limited and we need to establish more resources where people can go if they are abused.”
The effect of domestic violence on school children is also a cause for concern. Nxumalo believes that some children do not perform properly at school because of the abusive environment they subjected to at home. Bullying at school can be attributed to domestic violence because the child thinks that in order to gain respect; he has to do what his farther does to his mother at home and there are not enough services to deal with these issues in our schools. Children in abusive relationships need counseling and the biggest problem is that they don't know where to go and who to talk to.
She says the signs to spot a prospective abusive relationship are difficult because men approach women in a sweet way at the beginning. However, one can spot an abuser by their actions and personality.
“Control is usually the first sign, especially when a man wants to know where you all the time and tells you what to wear. Some men also want their partners to depend on them and arguments about these issues can escalate to violence.”
There are various organisations that women can go to if they are in an abusive relationship such as People Opposing Women Abuse (POWA), Commission for Gender Equality and the KZN Network on Violence Against Women. All these organisations offer support and advice on abusive relationships and domestic violence. Women must understand that they are not alone and help is available.
People Against Women Abuse (POWA): 083 765 1235
Commission for Gender equality (CGE): 031 305 2105
KwaZulu natal Network on Violence Against Women: (031) 261 3471
The Drug Despair in Durban
MANY DURBAN youths continue to fall into despair as a heroin wave sweeps across communities, devastating the lives of families and the future of their children.
In some areas it’s sugars and in others it is whoonga, but these drugs share dangerous common characteristics. Their main ingredient is heroin and dealers enhance this with ARV’s and rat poison. Durban communities which have been affected by this pandemic include; KwaMashu, Chatsworth, KwaDabeka, Claremont, Marian hill, Chesterville, Ntuzuma and Inanda. It is also prevalent in the Durban CBD and the Berea area.
Addicts risk their lives to get their hands on anything that can be sold to get a fix. They steal anything – from copper cables and clothes from their neighbour’s washing lines to their mother’s kettle and food in the fridge. Others quit their jobs or get fired from work because they feel they have to smoke.
The drug busts which took place last week will not fix the problem because the authorities and parents seem to overlook the power of addiction.
In a discussion with Sam Pillay, the chairperson of the Anti Drug Forum in Chatsworth, several issues regarding the effects of the drug were raised. One centered on the need to tackle addiction itself instead of just its consequences.. Pillay says the parents of addicted children sometimes press charges against them in the hope of getting them off the drug. Likewise, authorities arrest young offenders who steal or engage in prostitution in order to buy “a fix”.
Pillay argues that community vigilantism doesn’t work because it doesn’t deal with the root causes of addiction. An incident in Mount Moriah is cited, where four whoonga addicts were rounded up by an angry community mob and beaten half to death with shamboks, sticks, bricks, belts and any thing else that could inflict damage on the human body. The police had to break up the mob with the threat of pepper spray. They threw the young boys into the back of a police van and escorted them back home. People in Mount Moriah called it community justice.
He says that in most instances, the Department of health, police, parents and teachers are not equipped to deal with these issues.
The entry level of drug addiction is getting lower and the moral fibre of society is disintegrating. This is corroborated by figures indicating that there is a high level of child prostitution, associated with the drug, in Durban.
Girls, as young as 15 can be seen on the roads near the Chatsworth Youth Centre and shopping malls, selling their; bodies at night. They signal motorists to stop, desperation written all over their faces. They discard their chastity for as little as the cost of a fix – about R20 to R50. During an investigation which led to the Mercury breaking the story on the deadly whoonga in Durban townships, some of the boys told of tales where girls would offer themselves to dealers and drug pals for a few hits of the drug.
One of the young addicted prostitutes said the pain of withdrawal from drugs was unbearable and that she had to smoke at all costs.
“We started smoking after school with some of the boys in my class. I realized once I was hooked that there was no turning back, it is really painful. I just want to smoke so I can feel normal and happy again. I started selling my body when I couldn’t get money from the drugs.”
If Durban is to overcome substance abuse, then it must strike at the root cause - addiction.
There is medication which can suppress the urge to smoke - such as Subutex. According to the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA), Subutex is a long-acting opiate primarily used to treat narcotic (opioid) dependence. It is sold as a pill that dissolves under the tongue. Its purpose is to prevent withdrawal symptoms.
The pill stimulates the opiate receptors in the brain and has a greater attraction to the opiate receptors than other drugs, such as heroin and methadone, resulting in a drastic reduction of the desire to take drugs. However, the downside is that it also causes dependence and has also become available on the black market.
Ironically, Sam Pillay said, some of the dealers were selling both Subutex on and heroin. If the addict ends up becoming addicted to the cure, which causes another problem.
Another drug available for sugars and whoonga addicts is Naltrexon. It is similar to Subutex, but is more effective, according to Pillay. It shuts down the urge completely. The tablet is important because it tackles the root causes of drug abuse. Pillay adds that once addiction had been overcome therapists can start psychological evaluation, goal setting and reintegrating addicts into society.
“It is all in the mind and we need to show addicts that they can lead normal lives. We have to show them that they can’t go back to the lives they were living before. They can’t expect to change if they are still going to hang around at the same places and be friends with the same people; they have to be ready to change.”
Although it is not enough to rid the effects of a drugs with another drug, more emphasis should be put into equipping teachers with the tools to fight addiction in the schools. since most drug addicts are school children and drop outs. A start would be to include substance abuse in the curriculum when students study towards a teaching qualification. This would enable them to understand that addiction is not just a dependence on a chemical substance, but it is a dependence which has manifested into a lifestyle.
In a socio economic perspective, drugs in Durban are more readily available in poorer areas of society where the youth don’t have access to recreational activities. Children just don’t have much to do, they go to schools where sports and extra mural activities are not taken seriously as private or semi-private schools. Pupils who participate in extramural activities such as sports, debating, drama, the arts and spiritual upliftment programmes are less likely to fall victim to substance abuse than pupils who go to school and come back home to hang around on the streets or in corners and drug dens.
Sam Pillay says there are former addicts who kicked the habbit thanks to Naltrexon and spiritual change. He said once they had seen that there is more to life than drugs they change for the better and play a more positive role in society. However, the only addicts with a higher success rate were the ones on Naltrexon and expressed an eagerness to quit and change their lifestyle.
Durban residents need to make a stand and fight back against this deadly drug. They need to understand that addiction leads to actions that people wouldn’t normally do in a sober state of mind. It is simple, if we get rid of the addiction, and change the lifestyle of school children in our underprivileged communities, we will get rid if the crime and the drug abuse that is associated with it.
In some areas it’s sugars and in others it is whoonga, but these drugs share dangerous common characteristics. Their main ingredient is heroin and dealers enhance this with ARV’s and rat poison. Durban communities which have been affected by this pandemic include; KwaMashu, Chatsworth, KwaDabeka, Claremont, Marian hill, Chesterville, Ntuzuma and Inanda. It is also prevalent in the Durban CBD and the Berea area.
Addicts risk their lives to get their hands on anything that can be sold to get a fix. They steal anything – from copper cables and clothes from their neighbour’s washing lines to their mother’s kettle and food in the fridge. Others quit their jobs or get fired from work because they feel they have to smoke.
The drug busts which took place last week will not fix the problem because the authorities and parents seem to overlook the power of addiction.
In a discussion with Sam Pillay, the chairperson of the Anti Drug Forum in Chatsworth, several issues regarding the effects of the drug were raised. One centered on the need to tackle addiction itself instead of just its consequences.. Pillay says the parents of addicted children sometimes press charges against them in the hope of getting them off the drug. Likewise, authorities arrest young offenders who steal or engage in prostitution in order to buy “a fix”.
Pillay argues that community vigilantism doesn’t work because it doesn’t deal with the root causes of addiction. An incident in Mount Moriah is cited, where four whoonga addicts were rounded up by an angry community mob and beaten half to death with shamboks, sticks, bricks, belts and any thing else that could inflict damage on the human body. The police had to break up the mob with the threat of pepper spray. They threw the young boys into the back of a police van and escorted them back home. People in Mount Moriah called it community justice.
He says that in most instances, the Department of health, police, parents and teachers are not equipped to deal with these issues.
The entry level of drug addiction is getting lower and the moral fibre of society is disintegrating. This is corroborated by figures indicating that there is a high level of child prostitution, associated with the drug, in Durban.
Girls, as young as 15 can be seen on the roads near the Chatsworth Youth Centre and shopping malls, selling their; bodies at night. They signal motorists to stop, desperation written all over their faces. They discard their chastity for as little as the cost of a fix – about R20 to R50. During an investigation which led to the Mercury breaking the story on the deadly whoonga in Durban townships, some of the boys told of tales where girls would offer themselves to dealers and drug pals for a few hits of the drug.
One of the young addicted prostitutes said the pain of withdrawal from drugs was unbearable and that she had to smoke at all costs.
“We started smoking after school with some of the boys in my class. I realized once I was hooked that there was no turning back, it is really painful. I just want to smoke so I can feel normal and happy again. I started selling my body when I couldn’t get money from the drugs.”
If Durban is to overcome substance abuse, then it must strike at the root cause - addiction.
There is medication which can suppress the urge to smoke - such as Subutex. According to the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA), Subutex is a long-acting opiate primarily used to treat narcotic (opioid) dependence. It is sold as a pill that dissolves under the tongue. Its purpose is to prevent withdrawal symptoms.
The pill stimulates the opiate receptors in the brain and has a greater attraction to the opiate receptors than other drugs, such as heroin and methadone, resulting in a drastic reduction of the desire to take drugs. However, the downside is that it also causes dependence and has also become available on the black market.
Ironically, Sam Pillay said, some of the dealers were selling both Subutex on and heroin. If the addict ends up becoming addicted to the cure, which causes another problem.
Another drug available for sugars and whoonga addicts is Naltrexon. It is similar to Subutex, but is more effective, according to Pillay. It shuts down the urge completely. The tablet is important because it tackles the root causes of drug abuse. Pillay adds that once addiction had been overcome therapists can start psychological evaluation, goal setting and reintegrating addicts into society.
“It is all in the mind and we need to show addicts that they can lead normal lives. We have to show them that they can’t go back to the lives they were living before. They can’t expect to change if they are still going to hang around at the same places and be friends with the same people; they have to be ready to change.”
Although it is not enough to rid the effects of a drugs with another drug, more emphasis should be put into equipping teachers with the tools to fight addiction in the schools. since most drug addicts are school children and drop outs. A start would be to include substance abuse in the curriculum when students study towards a teaching qualification. This would enable them to understand that addiction is not just a dependence on a chemical substance, but it is a dependence which has manifested into a lifestyle.
In a socio economic perspective, drugs in Durban are more readily available in poorer areas of society where the youth don’t have access to recreational activities. Children just don’t have much to do, they go to schools where sports and extra mural activities are not taken seriously as private or semi-private schools. Pupils who participate in extramural activities such as sports, debating, drama, the arts and spiritual upliftment programmes are less likely to fall victim to substance abuse than pupils who go to school and come back home to hang around on the streets or in corners and drug dens.
Sam Pillay says there are former addicts who kicked the habbit thanks to Naltrexon and spiritual change. He said once they had seen that there is more to life than drugs they change for the better and play a more positive role in society. However, the only addicts with a higher success rate were the ones on Naltrexon and expressed an eagerness to quit and change their lifestyle.
Durban residents need to make a stand and fight back against this deadly drug. They need to understand that addiction leads to actions that people wouldn’t normally do in a sober state of mind. It is simple, if we get rid of the addiction, and change the lifestyle of school children in our underprivileged communities, we will get rid if the crime and the drug abuse that is associated with it.
Sunday, August 8, 2010
Mohamed - fighting for survival
Mohamed wakes up early at five every morning to set up his stall on a street corner at six o’clock every morning between Monday and Friday. I usually pass him on my way to work wondering what made him come to South Africa. Was it the war in his country? Did he come here seeking a better life, or is he here because it’s easier to do business in South Africa? You can tell by looking at him that he is not South African, he has a striking resemblance of an Ethiopian, Sudanese or Somali. I wondered whether he belonged to any of the latter groups.
His hair is curly and his skin is dark, signifying generations of cultural and racial interactions between Africa and the Arab world. He is very approachable, sporting a welcoming signature smile of a street vendor trying to score some sales of a potential customer. After buying a couple of loose cigarettes and a bar of chocolate he agrees to give me five minutes of his time on this busy street corner. He comes from a province called Somaliland which is situated in Northern Somalia, a place with a rich history and culture. He doesn’t speak English very well, so my listening skills had to be sharp in order for me to get accurate information. As our interview progressed I realized that it was not about getting accurate structural information, but about understanding a culture that is totally different to mine and the different conditions that other people on continent live under.
Many men love talking about politics in general, and Somalis are no exception. Coming from a country with a deep political and religious history, Mohamed breaks down the differences in political and religious culture between South Africa and Somalia. We start off with the political climate and what drove him to come to South Africa, leaving his family and friends behind in his war torn country which was at the centre stage between the western forces and the communists during the Cold War. Somali is situated in the Horn of Africa, a region known for its many conflicts both on an interstate and intrastate level. These conflicts have been raging on for decades, resulting in famine and genocide and displacing millions of people in the process.
Mohamed talks about the conflict in his country as the main cause of making his way down to South Africa, in one of the most dangerous journeys he has ever embarked upon. They were always at risk of being shot, arrested or eaten by wild animals in their journey. In what started as a voyage of about twenty young men, only eight of them made it into the country and two of the eight died while crossing the crocodile infested Limpopo River. That was about nine years ago, and he remains thankful to Allah everyday for making it into the country, even after he was refused refugee status by the South African government because of his affiliation with a rebel movement in his home country.
“Life in South Africa is more than what I imagined while I was in Somalia.” He says, with a deep thoughtful expression on his face. He reckons we are very lucky not to have experienced a civil war during or after apartheid. “Wars in Africa are different, they are brutal, unlike the gentleman’s war of America and Europe where you die by the hand of a gun, in Somalia you can get hacked to death and have your heart cut out by the enemy while you are still alive.” I could tell by his facial expression that I had opened up old wounds that made my life experiences inferior to his. I realized that in Africa we fight different kinds of struggle; ours in South Africa was to be treated as equals and have access to the same opportunities. His struggle was about survival.
His hair is curly and his skin is dark, signifying generations of cultural and racial interactions between Africa and the Arab world. He is very approachable, sporting a welcoming signature smile of a street vendor trying to score some sales of a potential customer. After buying a couple of loose cigarettes and a bar of chocolate he agrees to give me five minutes of his time on this busy street corner. He comes from a province called Somaliland which is situated in Northern Somalia, a place with a rich history and culture. He doesn’t speak English very well, so my listening skills had to be sharp in order for me to get accurate information. As our interview progressed I realized that it was not about getting accurate structural information, but about understanding a culture that is totally different to mine and the different conditions that other people on continent live under.
Many men love talking about politics in general, and Somalis are no exception. Coming from a country with a deep political and religious history, Mohamed breaks down the differences in political and religious culture between South Africa and Somalia. We start off with the political climate and what drove him to come to South Africa, leaving his family and friends behind in his war torn country which was at the centre stage between the western forces and the communists during the Cold War. Somali is situated in the Horn of Africa, a region known for its many conflicts both on an interstate and intrastate level. These conflicts have been raging on for decades, resulting in famine and genocide and displacing millions of people in the process.
Mohamed talks about the conflict in his country as the main cause of making his way down to South Africa, in one of the most dangerous journeys he has ever embarked upon. They were always at risk of being shot, arrested or eaten by wild animals in their journey. In what started as a voyage of about twenty young men, only eight of them made it into the country and two of the eight died while crossing the crocodile infested Limpopo River. That was about nine years ago, and he remains thankful to Allah everyday for making it into the country, even after he was refused refugee status by the South African government because of his affiliation with a rebel movement in his home country.
“Life in South Africa is more than what I imagined while I was in Somalia.” He says, with a deep thoughtful expression on his face. He reckons we are very lucky not to have experienced a civil war during or after apartheid. “Wars in Africa are different, they are brutal, unlike the gentleman’s war of America and Europe where you die by the hand of a gun, in Somalia you can get hacked to death and have your heart cut out by the enemy while you are still alive.” I could tell by his facial expression that I had opened up old wounds that made my life experiences inferior to his. I realized that in Africa we fight different kinds of struggle; ours in South Africa was to be treated as equals and have access to the same opportunities. His struggle was about survival.
Growing as a Journalist (In leaps and bounds)
Ayanda Mdluli
The last few months have been a roller coaster ride in my world as journalist. I’m told by some of the senior journalist that the discipline has its ups and downs. Some of our stories get used and some don’t, “It is the nature of the business,” says Sipho Khumalo; a fascinating character, full of history and knowledgeable on the politics of the industry.
He has been a journalist for 25 years, and every morning I serve as an eager ear, listening to him as he reminisces about the pro’s and con’s of being a journalist during apartheid and how the industry has changed for the better. Each day has its defining moment, and the past month has changed my perspective on the kind of life I want to live as a journalist.
In the cadet school I was taught that one should never be complacent, we must always be willing to learn and in learning we must educate others and strive to make a difference in the world. Well, at least that’s how I understood it. Anyways two young bloods, studying first year journalism at Rhodes cam into our newsroom to do a 10 day work experience programme. I also did something similar at the Daily News, but I was in grade 11 at the time.
The young bloods were eager to work on something interesting and they seemed like sensible guys who wouldn’t panic if confronted with a threatening situation. I decided to take the gamble and invited them to come with me on a story about a deadly drug called whoonga which took Durban townships by storm. We went inside the ghetto and into the drug den, I spoke to the addicts and took pictures and tried to motivate them to turn their lives around.
The young bloods sat, watched and listened but because of the language barrier they couldn’t participate in the discussion as much as they would have wanted to. After that we came back to the newsroom and wrote a front page story and 1000 word feature which has received a wide range of positive responses from the public. Other news papers picked up on it and did follow up stories, broadcast media wanted contacts from me and even drum magazine ran a story about it. The discussions in various publications still continue and more Rhodes journalism students have followed in the footsteps of Daniel Whitehorn and Brendan Ward. There is a group of Rhodes students in Durban as we speak doing a strikingly similar story.
It was all about making a difference and when I was in the newsroom for the first time in 2002 I had a similar experience which motivated me to become a journalist and show the world what happens in the lives of South Africans behind closed doors.
Today, the ANC wants to gag the media and control the press and our freedom of speech. This is a nasty pattern and it is prevalent in African politics once liberation movements gain political power. It is slowly starting to take its shape and during that time one can spot a few African pessimists conveying I told you so attitudes and messages in the papers and social networking sites. I think about Sipho and his stories during apartheid; suddenly, I can see the future and I think to myself; here we go again.
The last few months have been a roller coaster ride in my world as journalist. I’m told by some of the senior journalist that the discipline has its ups and downs. Some of our stories get used and some don’t, “It is the nature of the business,” says Sipho Khumalo; a fascinating character, full of history and knowledgeable on the politics of the industry.
He has been a journalist for 25 years, and every morning I serve as an eager ear, listening to him as he reminisces about the pro’s and con’s of being a journalist during apartheid and how the industry has changed for the better. Each day has its defining moment, and the past month has changed my perspective on the kind of life I want to live as a journalist.
In the cadet school I was taught that one should never be complacent, we must always be willing to learn and in learning we must educate others and strive to make a difference in the world. Well, at least that’s how I understood it. Anyways two young bloods, studying first year journalism at Rhodes cam into our newsroom to do a 10 day work experience programme. I also did something similar at the Daily News, but I was in grade 11 at the time.
The young bloods were eager to work on something interesting and they seemed like sensible guys who wouldn’t panic if confronted with a threatening situation. I decided to take the gamble and invited them to come with me on a story about a deadly drug called whoonga which took Durban townships by storm. We went inside the ghetto and into the drug den, I spoke to the addicts and took pictures and tried to motivate them to turn their lives around.
The young bloods sat, watched and listened but because of the language barrier they couldn’t participate in the discussion as much as they would have wanted to. After that we came back to the newsroom and wrote a front page story and 1000 word feature which has received a wide range of positive responses from the public. Other news papers picked up on it and did follow up stories, broadcast media wanted contacts from me and even drum magazine ran a story about it. The discussions in various publications still continue and more Rhodes journalism students have followed in the footsteps of Daniel Whitehorn and Brendan Ward. There is a group of Rhodes students in Durban as we speak doing a strikingly similar story.
It was all about making a difference and when I was in the newsroom for the first time in 2002 I had a similar experience which motivated me to become a journalist and show the world what happens in the lives of South Africans behind closed doors.
Today, the ANC wants to gag the media and control the press and our freedom of speech. This is a nasty pattern and it is prevalent in African politics once liberation movements gain political power. It is slowly starting to take its shape and during that time one can spot a few African pessimists conveying I told you so attitudes and messages in the papers and social networking sites. I think about Sipho and his stories during apartheid; suddenly, I can see the future and I think to myself; here we go again.
Monday, June 21, 2010
Selling our souls to the superficial
OK wait a minute...rewind, take a break, deep breath and think. Wow, what a day this has been. I have been working on a big story since Thursday 17 June 2010. I finally finished last night on the 20th and got it Published on the 21st of June 2010 on the front page and background section of the Mercury. It was hard work, but thanks to two whiteys who had balls and were eager to learn, we finally managed to get it done, and well before dead line that is.
There are positives and negatives about this situation I find myself in. You see, I did a story on a drug that has been tearing apart the black community in Durban. The drug called "whoonga" has been eating away at the heart of the future of the black youth in our province. This drug, which is a concoction of the Storicin Anti-retroviral, heroin and rat poison leaves our kids feeling lethargic and amotivational, it takes away ones sense of urgency and well being which results in the user neglecting their personal hygiene. Safe to say we paved the way, for every other journo to write about it today.
Yeah I am a bit impressed about the work we have put in. Now, what leaves me in a malignant schizophrenia is the fact that this story has taken me to a place that I had long forgotten. It opened up old wounds and brought back memories of me as a youth, locked in the chains of poverty, surrounded by amotivational friends whom at one point in time I had felt that they were going to drag me into the depths of failure and unemployment squalor with them if I didn't catch a wake up.
You see, there is this ghetto phenomenon, a phase in life that every black- male township youth goes through. Ah yes, we call it the "merchant" phase of our disadvantaged, petty and limited lives. You see dear friends, every ghetto has its "merchants". Not your merchants of Venice, or spaza shops. No, not even the Indian merchants who wormed their way into our lives to ensure that a black man, according to Fred Khumalo, cannot be successful without his Indian. But the "merchant". The merchant of the hood, yes the one who sells weed at 50c a slope, yes oh wise ones, it is he; he who has an outside room at the back of his mothers/grandmothers match box house.
You see, the "merchant" played a significant part in our street education growing up. In my township at Inanda Newtown A, we looked up to our ''merchant", whether one smoked or didn't smoke, whether one drank liquor or not, the ''merchants'' place was our area of congregation, a place where topics raging from soccer, to girls and sex were discussed. It was a place where local gun-dubula's (gun toting tsotsis) and petty thieves sought refuge from the po-po. A place where we all joked and laughed and if there were quarrels between two parties, it was a place of settlement where an offender would broker peace by extending a "peace pipe".
If one had bunked school in those days, rest assured he could be found at the "merchants" place. We could rely on our merchant, it was innocent...No one would even think of selling stolen goods or contemplated any criminal activities because even the older, responsible working guys whom we looked up to would come after a hard days work and play round after round of the casino card game until we all decided it was time to go home, eat, sleep, shit and face another day.
Today, it pains me to see the new generation infected by this foreign rot that is severely chipping away at the moral integrity of our darkie communities. A rot that you will never find in your uMhlanga rocks, Sandtons and Campsbays of this world. Today when I look at these kids and the new "merchants" that have emerged, I think and wonder how it all went wrong. We always had a few scum bags who would try to corrupt young and Innocent minds, but they were always outnumbered by those who had big dreams and common sense.
But what do we do when all those big dreams get broken by the desire to get rich quick..not even rich quick, but just to have enough money to buy an expansive bottle of whiskey, get a new pair of designer jeans and bang a nice girl on a Friday night...Because that is what these whoonga dealers aspire too. Its all superficial I tell you...And our new generation has sold their souls to what they see on TV...A morally degenerate generation is looming, and I guess we only have our selves to blame. For we too have sold our souls to the superficial in one way or the other.
There are positives and negatives about this situation I find myself in. You see, I did a story on a drug that has been tearing apart the black community in Durban. The drug called "whoonga" has been eating away at the heart of the future of the black youth in our province. This drug, which is a concoction of the Storicin Anti-retroviral, heroin and rat poison leaves our kids feeling lethargic and amotivational, it takes away ones sense of urgency and well being which results in the user neglecting their personal hygiene. Safe to say we paved the way, for every other journo to write about it today.
Yeah I am a bit impressed about the work we have put in. Now, what leaves me in a malignant schizophrenia is the fact that this story has taken me to a place that I had long forgotten. It opened up old wounds and brought back memories of me as a youth, locked in the chains of poverty, surrounded by amotivational friends whom at one point in time I had felt that they were going to drag me into the depths of failure and unemployment squalor with them if I didn't catch a wake up.
You see, there is this ghetto phenomenon, a phase in life that every black- male township youth goes through. Ah yes, we call it the "merchant" phase of our disadvantaged, petty and limited lives. You see dear friends, every ghetto has its "merchants". Not your merchants of Venice, or spaza shops. No, not even the Indian merchants who wormed their way into our lives to ensure that a black man, according to Fred Khumalo, cannot be successful without his Indian. But the "merchant". The merchant of the hood, yes the one who sells weed at 50c a slope, yes oh wise ones, it is he; he who has an outside room at the back of his mothers/grandmothers match box house.
You see, the "merchant" played a significant part in our street education growing up. In my township at Inanda Newtown A, we looked up to our ''merchant", whether one smoked or didn't smoke, whether one drank liquor or not, the ''merchants'' place was our area of congregation, a place where topics raging from soccer, to girls and sex were discussed. It was a place where local gun-dubula's (gun toting tsotsis) and petty thieves sought refuge from the po-po. A place where we all joked and laughed and if there were quarrels between two parties, it was a place of settlement where an offender would broker peace by extending a "peace pipe".
If one had bunked school in those days, rest assured he could be found at the "merchants" place. We could rely on our merchant, it was innocent...No one would even think of selling stolen goods or contemplated any criminal activities because even the older, responsible working guys whom we looked up to would come after a hard days work and play round after round of the casino card game until we all decided it was time to go home, eat, sleep, shit and face another day.
Today, it pains me to see the new generation infected by this foreign rot that is severely chipping away at the moral integrity of our darkie communities. A rot that you will never find in your uMhlanga rocks, Sandtons and Campsbays of this world. Today when I look at these kids and the new "merchants" that have emerged, I think and wonder how it all went wrong. We always had a few scum bags who would try to corrupt young and Innocent minds, but they were always outnumbered by those who had big dreams and common sense.
But what do we do when all those big dreams get broken by the desire to get rich quick..not even rich quick, but just to have enough money to buy an expansive bottle of whiskey, get a new pair of designer jeans and bang a nice girl on a Friday night...Because that is what these whoonga dealers aspire too. Its all superficial I tell you...And our new generation has sold their souls to what they see on TV...A morally degenerate generation is looming, and I guess we only have our selves to blame. For we too have sold our souls to the superficial in one way or the other.
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